The Mythology of Stony Point

Critical Thinking

November 3, 2016
by Michael J. F. Sheehan Also by this Author


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The American War for Independence, like any great historical episode, has its share of legends and mythology. The period from 1775 to 1783, perhaps more than any other period in our short history, went through the wringer of nineteenth century romanticism perhaps a little worse for the wear. Students of the period too often find that many aspects of the Revolution have become pseudo-historical. The history of one action in particular, the storming of Stony Point, suffers from a number of myths that still persist, even into the twenty-first century. Five main tales surround Gen. Anthony Wayne’s victory over the British garrison at Stony Point in the wee hours of July 16, 1779.


Wayne’s Corps of Light Infantry spent June and early July 1779 encamped in the vicinity of the ruins of Fort Montgomery and “Sandy Beach,” today’s Highland Falls, New York. Here they trained and got used to having Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne, a tough, demanding, yet devoted field officer, as their commander. Six miles south of Fort Montgomery (as the crow flies) lay King’s Ferry, a vital crossing of the North or Hudson’s River for the Continental Army, which had been occupied by the British since May 31. By late June, Gen. Sir Henry Clinton had brought off the majority of his forces, leaving about 1,000 at King’s Ferry (Stony and Verplank Points) with roughly 500 on each side commanded respectively by Lt. Col Henry Johnson of the 17th Regiment of Foot and Lt. Col. James Webster of the 33rd Regiment. Generals Washington and Wayne, with help from Maj. “Light Horse” Henry Lee and Capt. Allan McLane, came up with a plan to take Stony Point. The American Light Infantry marched from Fort Montgomery over Dunderberg Mountain towards their objective on July 15, 1779 in the greatest secrecy. This much is fact. What was purported to happen next, however, is not.

According to legend, as the Light Infantry marched past Doodletown towards Springsteel’s Farm near the enemy garrison, they bayoneted all the dogs of the civilian population to prevent them from barking at the passing troops and warning the British of their approach. Told and retold throughout the nineteenth-century, the tale has become canon. The famed traveler Benson Lossing wrote in his Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution that “All the dogs in the neighborhood had been killed the day before, that their barking might not give notice of strangers near.”[1] The popularity of Lossing’s book, which was initially published in 1850, has certainly spread the story and placed it in the collective American memory, especially as for so long Lossing was seen as authoritative. Even as recently as 2009 did the story appear in publication: “Wayne dispatched squads of soldiers to detain any nosy civilians and bayonet any dogs whose barking might betray the attack.”[2] Another source, from 1973, gets even wilder: “Some of the soldiers noticed packs of dogs being brought in by Light Horse Lee’s scouts. Wayne had given orders that every dog within three miles of Stony Point should be brought in or destroyed.”[3] Many more have made related claims. The earliest reference to the dogs being slaughtered, which may have inspired the tale, comes from the diary of Commodore Sir George Collier of the Royal Navy: “it was said that [the Americans] had taken the precaution to kill every dog two days before that was within some miles round the post, to prevent their approach being discovered by their barking.”[4] One only need check the Washington Papers to see that in neither orders nor correspondence between Washington and Wayne are there even passing references to dogs. Also, a glance at a period map of the area between Fort Montgomery and Stony Point shows that it was sparsely populated; it is also unreasonable to assume most households owned a dog.[5]

What General Wayne did in fact order for the safety of the Light Corps on their march was a bit different. On the morning of the march (July 15) Wayne ordered Capt. James Chrystie of the 3rd Pennsylvania Regiment to “fix upon the proper place … to prevent any person from going or coming out from the enemy … You are to take and keep all the male inhabitants in the vicinity of the enemy’s lines until further orders.” No dogs were ordered harmed. Civilians were taken and kept. The area, like the rest of the Lower Hudson Valley, was not entirely pro-American, and so no risk could be taken of any intelligence getting to the British.[6]

Fanciful Quotes

One of the often repeated phrases between Washington and Wayne was supposed to have been said during the planning of the storming of Stony Point. As it goes, Washington was to have noticed Wayne looking disgruntled, confused, etc., regarding the initial plan to take the post. When questioned, Wayne was to have replied to assure Washington of his confidence, “General, if you only plan it, I’ll storm Hell!,” echoing the hot-headed, sometimes impulsive mannerisms of Wayne (admittedly not too far from the mark), to which the cool and collected Commander-in-Chief was to have replied “Perhaps, General Wayne, we had better try Stony Point first.” Glenn Tucker mentions the story in his 1973 biography of Wayne. He mentions that Washington Irving first related it, that it may be “a tradition,” but still includes it in his book. In his citations, he mentions that numerous authors had repeated the story without citing a source. Lossing mentions it too: “’General I’ll storm hell if you will only plan it.’ He possessed the true fore of the flint, and was always governed by the maxim ‘where there’s a will there’s a way.’”[7] The tale even appears in 1847 in a newspaper, the American Flag, printed in American occupied Matamoras, Mexico, during the Mexican-American War, probably to bring some Revolutionary fervor to the soldiers of the Mexican conflict. Again, the story is not sourced.[8]

Another erroneous phrase, perhaps more an oral tradition (in the author’s experience) is the claim that as the Light Infantry ascended the steep slopes of the point, they cried out “Remember Paoli!” Paoli Tavern was near the site in Pennsylvania where Wayne was attacked on September 20, 1777 by Gen. Edward “No Flint” Grey, at night and with bayonets. Though not the “massacre” commonly remembered, Wayne did suffer a number of casualties. Despite that unpleasant affair, Wayne was not ordered to take Stony Point as retribution, even though like Grey’s attack it was done with bayonets at night. Don Loprieno, who wrote the most recent and best-researched volume on Stony Point, says very simply “No witnesses to the battle on either side report hearing [Remember Paoli].” In reality, the men had been ordered to maintain strict silence during the advance and initial attack. Once they had entered the works with some strength, they were to call out the watchword, really a phrase, “The Fort’s Our Own.” Wayne wrote to Washington to explain his final plan the day of the action: “When the works are forced and not before, the victorious troops will give the watch word [The Forts our own] with repeated, and loud voices … After the troops begin to advance to the works, the strictest silence must be observed.” [9]

Peter Francisco

One of the most legendary figures of the American War for Independence was Peter Francisco. Supposedly of Portuguese origin and left on a dock somewhere in Virginia as a youth, Francisco is shrouded in myth. His supposed role at Stony Point is more or less as follows: charging up the slopes in the southern column of attack, he, with either bayonet or his massive broadsword (ordered for him by Washington himself, of course) was second into the works, where while or just prior to fending off many British troops, he received a great wound in the abdomen.

Here is what we do know: firstly, Francisco did exist (the author has heard claims he did not), and he did serve in the Revolution. He may have indeed been one of the biggest soldiers, as he is often said to be (a good reason why so many myths are attached to him). In 1779, not only was he in Shelton’s company of the 6th Virginia Regiment, he was in the Light Infantry, which as a Virginian, meant he was in Col. Christian Febiger’s 1st Light Infantry Regiment.[10] Francisco’s 1820 pension petition claims that he “volunteered himself under Col [François Louis de] Fleury to storm Stony Point fort on the North river, he was the second man who scaled the walls at the enemies fort on the right wing.” Much of this actually rings true; Lt. Col. de Fleury of the 1st Light Infantry commanded the vanguard of the right column. He detached twenty men in advance of his vanguard as a “forlorn hope” to clear obstacles and make way for the troops pouring in.

Considering his purported size, his having volunteered to clear the abatis (felled trees) would likely have been welcomed. What is questionable, however, is his being second in the fort; no one at the time made such a claim. Both de Fleury and Wayne in the weeks following the battle agreed that the second person to enter was Lt. George Knox of the 9th Pennsylvania, who commanded the forlorn hope of the main column. “It is unanymously acknowledged that the 1st man on the Rampart has been 1st … Lt. Colo. Fleury. 2D Lt … Knox … pensylvania Line. 3 … Serj Baker … virginia … 4 … Serjeant … Spencer … virginia … 5 … Serjeant Donlop … pensylvania.” One reason that it was important to note who entered the works and in what order, aside from the glory, was the prize money: “he [Wayne] solemnly engages to reward the first man who enters … five hundred dollars … to the second 400; to the third 300,” and so on. Later, Col. de Fleury asked Wayne that “the money to which I am entitled to be Delivered to my men 2d Lt. Knox begs the same.” While Francisco very well may have been in the forlorn hope, he was certainly not one of the first five to enter.[11]

Pompey Lamb

Another resounding myth is the role of one Pompey Lamb, slave to a local man, Captain Lamb, who lived just south of Stony Point. Lossing related that when Wayne’s men marched towards Stony Point, they “moved silently forward under the guidance of a negro slave belonging to a Captain Lamb who resided in the neighborhood.” [12] On arrival outside the post, “The negro, with two strong men disguised as farmers, advanced alone. The countersign was given to the first sentinel … while he was conversing with Pompey, the men seized and gagged him;” thus the way was open for the Corps of Light Infantry.[13] Mr. Ten Eyck, the man running King’s Ferry when Lossing visited, related that “he knew this negro well.” That “Soon after the enemy took possession of the Point, Pompey ventured to go to them with strawberries to sell. He was kindly received … he carried on an extensive traffic with the garrison, and became a favorite with the officers.” Pompey was soon told by his master that he could no longer come to the British during the day, due to the agricultural season, and “unwilling to lose their supply of luxuries,” Pompey was given the countersign by the officers so he could come at night. Therefore, when Wayne arrived, Pompey had “a knowledge of the countersign.” [14]

Pompey Lamb probably existed. He appears on a militia list as ‘Pomp Lamb’ although it is a list put together in the first decade of the twentieth-century, which may damage its credibility. Assuming it is correct, and Lamb did exist, he is not once mentioned by anyone before, during, or after the battle, British or American.[15] The idea of Lamb selling berries has two major stumbling blocks. For one, the claim that he sold berries “soon after the enemy took possession” does not hold much water. The British took the point on May 31. Early June is not typical strawberry season in New York.[16] Another concern is the claim that the officers gave Lamb the countersign to enter the works at night.[17] In the court martial of the British commander of the fort, the 17th Regiment’s Adjutant, Ens. Henry Hamilton, was very clear on the matter of nighttime access to the fort: “Lt. Col. Johnson would not allow of a Countersign, either the Night of the Attack or any other.” According to Hamilton, no passwords would permit the entry, even of a friend, into the works at night. It does not seem likely that an officer on night picket duty would endanger the garrison (and incur the wrath of his commanding officer) while supplies and fresh provisions were in no short supply. Don Loprieno summed up the tales of Francisco and Lamb accurately: “Lamb, like … Francisco, may have played some … role in the battle … but their colorful yet unconvincing stories are at variance with what is known.”[18]

The Pay Tree

There remains one final myth, one that has recently resurfaced. Once again, Lossing recounts an early version of the story, perhaps the first one in print. Visiting eighty-eight year old Mr. Allison of Haverstraw, Lossing was told “of a black walnut-tree still standing by the roadside between Haverstraw and Stony Point under which … Pompey, took charge, as pilot, of Wayne’s assaulting force.” On his return north to King’s Ferry that evening, Lossing passed the tree and, stopping, took from it a branch suitable for a walking stick.[19] The tree still stood in 1922, when it was mentioned in Historic American Trees: “The belief has been handed down among the residents of Stony Point, that under the old Walnut tree Washington paid the men after the battle.”[20]

The tree in question did indeed exist, but whether it fell or was taken down is not known; it did not exist by 1990.[21] In its place, an historic marker appeared in 2010, retelling the tale: “On this site stood the walnut tree where under its branches Gen George Washington paid his troops, 1779.”[22] There exists no evidence that Washington ever personally paid his troops; as commander-in-chief, he was simply too busy. The tale fails to take into account two significant points. Firstly, the Light Infantry returned to Fort Montgomery after the attack and did not spend time in Haverstraw or the vicinity until the fall, where they were miles away from the tree. Secondly, the British repossessed Stony Point immediately after the battle. Col. Richard Butler (who commanded the 2nd Light Infantry Regiment), writing from Fort Montgomery, explained to Washington on July 19, three days post-action, that the enemy “took Immediate Possesion of the Point.” They would remain until October, so it seems unlikely that Washington would spend time quite so near a fortified enemy only to pay his men, as opposed to the safer and more convenient Hudson Highlands.[23]

Many Revolutionary War battles, campaigns, and civilian activities have their myths, lore, and the like. Stony Point seems to endure a larger portion of such stories, with no particular reason as to why. Perhaps it was the speed of the action (under thirty minutes). Perhaps it was the nature of the assault. Perhaps the fame of General Wayne. Whatever the reason, the author wishes to burn off the fog of the above lore, and place this brilliant action under the lens of primary source documentation, in order to honor the troops who truly did endure the rigors of the Storming of Stony Point.


[1]  Benson J Lossing,The Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution; or  Illustrations by Pen and Pencil, of the History, Biography, Scenery, Relics, and Traditions of the War for Independence.   Vol. I. (Glendale, NY: Benchmark Publishing Corporation, 1970), 746.

[2] Edward G. Lengel, “Bayonets at Midnight: The Battle of Stony Point,”, accessed August 23, 2016.

[3] Glenn Tucker, Mad Anthony Wayne and the New Nation: The Story of Washington’s Front-Line General (Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1973), 151.

[4] Extract from the Journal of Commodore George Collier in Henry P. Johnston, The Storming of Stony Point on the Hudson: Midnight July 15, 1779: Its Importance in the Light of Unpublished Documents (New York: DaCapo Press, 1971), 134. The extract does not mention when it was written, but Commodore Collier died in 1795, so presumably sometime well before that.

[5] Most maps of the area show a few homesteads south of Donderberg Mountain: Storm’s, Clement’s, Parr’s, and Lamb’s (where Pompey lived). Even accounting for the possibility that there were more houses not included on the maps, the area, today’s Tomkin’s Cove (a hamlet within the town of Stony Point), is still lightly populated as compared to the rest of the county. Considering no other battle of the Revolution in which secrecy was an important factor has a story of assaulting dogs, it is unlikely to have happened at Stony Point. There are two other very significant points in relation to the myth: firstly, that killing the dogs, pets, or chattel of any family would turn them against the perpetrators, and secondly, dogs, like humans, yell, holler, and scream when bayoneted. Abnormal dogs sounds would certainly raise some suspicion; so too would (if all the dogs were killed) the absence of any barking. The author believes this myth to finally be disproven.

[6] Institution of the Society of the Cincinnati, Formed by the Officers of the American of the Revolution, 1783, With Extracts from the Proceedings of it’s General Meetings and from the Transactions of the New York State Society by John Schuyler, Secretary (New York: Society of the Cincinnati, 1886), 175. Captain Chrystie seems to have been in the confidence of Washington, and therefore Wayne.

[7] Tucker, Mad Anthony Wayne, 146, 265; Lossing, The Pictorial Field-Book, 745.

[8] Isaac Neville Fleeson and J. R. Palmer, American Flag (Matamoras, Tamaulipas, Mexico), Vol. II No. 104, Ed. I, Monday, June 7, 1847,, accessed August 18, 2016. Any planning of the engagement was done in the utmost secrecy. Aside from aides-de-camp, the only person who may have been present at a meeting between Wayne and Washington may have been Billy Lee, Washington’s valet. As the story does not seem to have originated from any of the above, this author feels safe in dispelling the quote as myth.

[9] For more on Paoli casualties see Todd Andrlik, “The 25 Deadliest Battles of the Revolutionary War,” Journal of the American Revolution (2014),; Don Loprieno, The enterprise in contemplation: the midnight assault of Stony Point (Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, 2004), 73; Anthony Wayne to George Washington: Plan of Attack, July 15, 1779, Founders Online, National Archives,, italics in the original. One apocryphal but unique battle cry attributed to Stony Point was “Remember Ledyerd” in reference to Col. Ledyerd who was killed at Fort Griswold, Connecticut. Unfortunately for that theory, Ledyerd did not fall until 1781, when Ft. Griswold was attacked, two years after Stony Point. Francis Moore, Jr., Telegraph & Texas Register (Houston, TX), Vol 17, No. 19, May 7, 1852,, accessed August 18, 2016.

[10] Muster Roll, 6th Virginia Regiment, July 1779,

[11] Michael Schellhammer, “Peter Francisco: Fact or Fiction,” Journal of the American Revolution,; Pension Application of Peter Francisco, transcribed by C. Leon Harris, Southern Campaign Revolutionary War Pension Statements & Rosters,, accessed August 26, 2016; Loprieno, The Enterprise in Contemplation, 30; Wayne, Plan of Attack; de Fleury to Wayne in Charles J. Stille, Major-General Anthony Wayne and the Pennsylvania Line in the Continental Army (Philadelphia, PA: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1893), 403.

[12] Lossing, The Pictorial Field-Book, 744.

[13] ibid., 746.

[14] Ibid.

[15] New York in the Revolution As Colony and State Vol. I, 1904, transcribed by Coralynn Brown,, accessed August 26, 2016.

[16] The author begs the reader’s forgiveness for inaccuracies in strawberry season; in his experience, the wild strawberries that used to grow at Stony Point were not large enough to sell until late June, not the first two weeks of the month.

[17] At night, when a sentry challenged someone approaching, they would exchange signs and countersigns to establish friend from foe. Signs and countersigns generally changed frequently to deter espionage.

[18] Testimony of Ens. Henry Hamilton in Loprieno, The Enterprise in Contemplation, 142, 79. The 17th Regiment had eight of the eleven infantry companies at Stony Point.

[19] Lossing, The Pictorial Field-Book, 752-3.

[20] Katharine Stanley Nicholson, Historic American Trees (New York: Frye Publishing Company, 1922), 83.

[21] In the early 1990s, there was only a willow tree near the site. The site can be found at the northeast corner of the intersection of Rt. 9W and Filor’s Lane in Stony Point.

[22] Historical Marker Database,

[23] Michael J. F. Sheehan, “The Unsuccessful American Attempt on Verplanck Point, July 16-19, 1779,” Journal of the American Revolution (December 10, 2014),


  • Excellent piece Michael! The Story of Stony Point is great enough without the mythology that you’ve busted here. And these events of the 1779 campaign deserve the attention you help bring to the period. Well done sir!


    1. Thanks, Mike! That means a great deal coming from you. Thanks for always being available for questions with the Light Infantry roster! (I’ll be getting back to that in the next month and will share what I find!)

  • Stony Point State Park is a fine place to visit, especially for its spectacular view of the Hudson River below. After standing there it is easy to see why both armies wanted that vantage point.

  • Michael –

    very interesting piece though I am tempted to disagree with your assertion that “Remember Paoli” was not used at Stony Point. Here are a few examples that I collected, viz. Joseph Kelly’s pension deposition of June 1843: “when we arrived at [Stony Point] we took our Cartridge boxes and tied them around our necks, and waded through Mud and Water up to our waists we were ordered not to fire but to depend on the Bayonet only. General Wayne saying “boys remember Paoli” the General was wounded in the head he thinks, saw him carried into the fort by the soldiers.” British veterans of the Stony Point attack also remembered and confirmed the use of “Remember Paoli!” John Robert Shaw of the British 33d Regiment of Foot wrote in 1807 that “General Wayne paid a visit to Stony-Point, on the 15th of July [1779] about 12 o’clock at night … woe to the simple commander of Stony Point! When that undaunted hero general [sic] Wayne tickled their ears with ‘Remember the Paola [sic] and the massacre of Lady Washington’s light horse at the Tapaan.’” [A Narrative of the Life & Travels of John Robert Shaw, the Well-Digger, now Resident in Lexington, Kentucky (Lexington, 1807), 23.]

    That the memory and the battle-cry were not confined to veterans on either side of the battlefield is evident in an affidavit of 31 July 1839 by Christina Göring. Supporting the claim of Catherine Shifley for a widow’s pension Göring testified that “He used often to mention the watchword at taking Stony Point he said it was “Remember Paoli.” [Pension Application W 2869]

    This last one is probably apocryphal: On 7 April 1860 the “Plattsburgh Republican” carried the obituary of John Ludwig Snyder, a German immigrant born 5 August 1746 who had died 113 years, 7 months and 18 days old on 23 March 1860 in New Washington, PA. Even at that time, more than 80 years after Paoli, the obituary reported that Snyder was a survivor of the Paoli Massacre who two years later “was with Wayne at the taking of Stony Point, where the watchword was, ‘Remember Paoli, brave boys.’”

    I have more if you are interested.


    1. Mr. Selig,

      Thank you for your comment. You raise some interesting points. Mr. Shaw, as part of the 33d Foot was stationed at Verplank the evening of the battle with the rest of his regiment under Lt. Col. Webster. Considering the half mile distance over the river and the high wind of the evening, it is highly unlikely anyone on the eastern shore could have discerned accurately any words said by Americans-and from such a distance, impossible to determine wither attacker or defender uttered them. However, since published in 1807, it may take the title for earliest printed reference!

      As for Mr. Kelly and the others, we don’t have his pension or muster roll here to confirm his presence (yet), but if he claims to have been yelling, it was certainly a mistake. Memory gets foggy sixty years after the battle, and it would not be the first time I have encountered plenty of veterans whose muster rolls actually confirm their presence at the action, but their account of it is so confused, incorrect, or fantastical, whether from age, influence of local tales, or hearing early phases of myths of the battles that they were in, that the pension story is unreliable. For example, one fellow remembers all of the supposed scalping that took place at Stony Point. Clearly, that can’t be taken seriously, as no single account of it mentions it. The same goes for one of von Heer’s troopers claims to have been the one that supported Wayne after his wounding, when we know it to have been his aides, and that none of the Provost Corps were in the Light Infantry (though there is some evidence some were detached to the Light Corps as Provost, not combatants).

      In the past two years alone I’ve examined nearly 1,000 pension applications claiming involvement at Stony Point, with many more to go. If I counted every person who claimed to have been at the action, nearly 2,000 people must have been at the action- only 1,150 were. We generally take the muster roll written at the time, and therefore not subject to memory, as the more accurate source.

      The Court Martial of Lt. Col. Johnson speaks volumes too. Very often, the testifying officers are asked how they were able to determine their men from the enemy during the chaos of the action- they mention uniforms, direction of musketry (or for the Americans, lack thereof), but not once do they mention the Americans mentioning Paoli, Baylor’s or the like. In fact, one of Wayne’s junior officers was later Court martialed for “hallooing” on the way up the hill, currently the only documented case. Clearly, if many of the men were indeed doing similar things in direct violation of Wayne’s (a stickler for strict discipline) orders, we’d hear about far more court martials. Maybe in the future more will turn up. But I must agree with you, the last one about Mr. Snyder is certainly apocryphal.

      Your Obedt,

  • Michael,
    What is the best source of which units actually stormed Stony Point?
    My Revolutionary War ancestor, Robert Chandler, was serving in the 2nd Connecticut Continental Line on the Hudson near West Point. Some people researching him claimed he was at Stony Point but my understanding was that the storming was from a number of units that had been cherry picked rather than complete individual units.
    Robert, in his pension statement says he was in the battle at Monmouth and “various other skirmishes”, so he does not make a claim, but he appears to be a master of understatement as were his children according to accounts of them discussing their father’s involvement in 6 years with the 2nd Connecticut.
    Thanks for any light you can shed on the units involved
    Jeff Chandler

    1. Hi Jeff,

      The best sources for identification are the Washington Papers, but here are the Regiments that donated men to form a company or join with another to form one for Wayne’s Light Corps (keep in mind, there were other Light units, not just with Wayne) are as follows and into the following companies: Virginia- 1st & 10th with 5th & 11th, 2nd, 6th, 7th & 8th, 1st VA State & Gist’s Additional, 2nd VA State; Maryland- 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th; Pennsylvania- 1st & 7th, 2nd, 3rd, 5th, 6th, 9th; Connecticut- 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th; North Carolina- 1st, 2nd; Massachusetts- not yet known. There is a formation of Massachusetts Lights to join Wayne in General Orders on July 22nd, but this does not guarantee the same units participated in the battle. Some did, just still trying to nail down with musters (lots of Massachusetts musters incomplete) what we can rest assured with proper primary documentation participated.

      Your ancestor, Robert Chandler does not appear on the Light Infantry rolls for 1779, but he does appear in camp with his regiment and company (the Col’s) at Nelson’s Point, which was in the vicinity of today’s Garrison, NY across from West Point! Hope that helps a bit!

      Your Obed’t

      M Sheehan

  • Very interesting article, Mike. Just yesterday I saw an illustration of an armed ranger, supposedly from “Posey”s” troops attacking Stony Point. This individual is carrying a rifle with an attached bayonet. Of course the long rifles carried by Posey’s and Morgan’s rangers could not carry bayonets. I didn’t note the link to this illustration unfortunately. I am in the process of writing a book about Posey’s troops killing my third great-grandfather in August, 1778 in the Catskill Mountains. I am enjoying the articles in the Journal of the American Revolution.

    1. Hi Robert, Thanks for the kind words. The image you saw might be the one by Don Troiani; where a hunting shirt clad soldier is running with a fixed bayonet. If you look closely, in that image the firelock is a Charleville. The soldier is a generic member of Posey’s Battalion of Col. Febiger’s Regiment, which in the case of Posey, was four companies of Virginians.

  • ” There are two other very significant points in relation to the myth: firstly, that killing the dogs, pets, or chattel of any family would turn them against the perpetrators, and secondly, dogs, like humans, yell, holler, and scream when bayoneted. ”

    Not to mention….Even if outlying houses and farms had dogs, it didn’t occur to the propagators of this myth that very very often a dog will not allow anyone’s approach without barking. The closes one gets, the more dogs bark. This would have aroused the owners to go find WHY the dogs are barking. And presumably there would be a least two maybe three individuals trying to catch these dogs to silence them. Again, dogs being quite fast and agile (and with better-than-human night vision), will not allow strangers to come near, and no doubt will bark all the more. Some dogs, as everyone knows, will vigorously counterattack this perceived threat. A moments thought would reveal that it’s pretty difficult (generally almost impossible) to sneak up on a dog.

  • Michael,
    Great articles of the areas Revolutionary War! Thanks for these.
    In re. your article on the Battle of Stoney Point and the Myth of Pompey, I recently was researching the Babcock family and came across something that will harden that “myth” as to his participation.
    Assuming you have access to Fold3 there is one William Babcock No. R-346 whose request has interesting details of Pompey and his involvement in that battle. I have made a pdf binder if you would like. Pages 4,5, & 6 of William’s initial request. William was 100 years of age when he made his Petition.
    Dan R. Kinsey

  • Michael,
    Many thanks for your earlier response on my ancestor Robert Chandler of the 2nd Connecticut 1776-1783. In preparation for an article request from the CFA YDNA Project (Chandler Family Association) I was recently reviewing my files again and specifically Robert’s Muster cards from July 1779 and July/Aug. 1780. Indeed the July 1779 card shows him at Camp Nelsons Point in the 2nd Batt’n Connecticut under Col. Zebulon Butler.
    The oddity is that exactly one year later on his July and August 1780 card, Roll dated what appears to be Sept 9, he is shown under Capt. Henry Ten Eyck’s Light Infantry Co., from the 2nd Connecticut Reg’t, commanded by Col. Zebulon Butler. No mention is made of this before this July/August 1780 card. This card under “Remarks” states “Discharged Aug. 25” (he took a break after his 3 year enlistment then reenlisted till 1783) when he was discharged by General Knox as the Army was discharged.
    In researching the Stony Point battle, there were just a few days from when 2nd Connecticut Brigade was re-organized to nine companies on 11 July 1779 just 4 days from when Stony Point occured, which had to be a very chaotic period of tracking exactly who fought in the battle, and indeed records discuss “company organizations of the 3rd corps cannot be found except in the core of the regiment” (“The Storming of Stony Point on the Hudson” p. 216.) It would occur to me than this 1780 card would have been a most unusual entry to promote him to Light Infantry after his discharge?
    In my lack of ability to explain was this an Army clerical error? A reward for not having noted him as in the battle one year before? An adjustment for any potential pension?
    I suspect that if anyone was still with the Highlands department in July/Aug 1780 and had the same alterations to their Muster Card done that they had not been counted after the battle in July 1779 and would have the same alterations. There probably had been other clerical errors if this indeed what happened.
    I certainly would appreciate your comments on this strange Muster Card. Robert deserves to be noted for History if indeed he did serve at Stony Point and does not if he does not as he was in earlier battles in Brandywine, Monmouth, Germantown, wintered in Valley Forge and “skirmishes”. I will send you an email of Robert’s Muster Cards if you email me your address
    Regards & keep up the great research
    Jeff Chandler

    1. There doesn’t appear to be any oddity here. Although the muster roll you refer to is dated September 9, it describes what was happening in July and August. The date on which muster rolls were prepared is always after the dates of the muster period that they describe – after the muster period ended, someone compiled data from various sources, and prepared the muster rolls telling which men had served, and on what dates, during the muster period (I’ve seen rolls that were prepared over two years after the period they describe).
      In this case, on September 9 a roll was prepared saying that Robert Chandler had served in July and up to August 25, when he was discharged. The roll does not indicate that he was still serving in September.

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