Gone Bad?: American Patriot Andrew Gilman

An eighteenth-century watercolor of an Abenaki couple by an unknown artist. (City of Montreal Records Management & Archives)

When war came to down east Maine in the spring of 1775, a rough frontiersman named Andrew Gilman joined the patriot cause. He served with distinction as an Indian interpreter, a courier, and as a lieutenant in command of a group of Penobscot Indians and local settlers in an American ranger force that protected the Penobscot River Valley. Gilman saw combat at the Battle of Machias as well as at Castine during the disastrous 1779 Penobscot Expedition. By the end of his time in the Penobscot region, however, he was wanted by local authorities, despised by the Native Americans he had worked and fought alongside, and considered by many an accomplice in a cold-blooded murder.

Not much is known about the early life of Andrew Gilman. He may have originally hailed from the York area. One source indicates he was in his fifties at the time of the American Revolution; another referred to him in 1775 as a young man. One source states that he never married but may have fathered a son by a native woman. In 1778, he published intentions to wed Nabby Kow in Boston but nothing appears to have come of it. Yet another source suggests he married into the Penobscot tribe, with whom he lived and traded. In fact, it is his connection with the Penobscot Indians where Andrew Gilman made his name.[1]

He appeared to hold great sway with them and spoke their language fluently and “as well as a native.” Gilman dressed in their clothing, hunted, lived and traded with them. Whether in response to Gilman embracing Indian lifestyle or some other reason, historian William Williamson considered Gilman mean-spirited and referred to him as “inferior in mind and stature” and a “man of low instincts and morals.” Williamson did make note of Gilman’s cunning. Rough around the edges in appearance and attitude, Andrew Gilman still displayed much cleverness in his dealings with Massachusetts officials. He always seemed to be strategically positioned and useful. Williamson noted the only reason Massachusetts agreed to commission such a person as a lieutenant during the war was due to Gilman’s mastery of the Penobscot Indian language.[2]

It is not clear when Andrew Gilman first showed up in the Penobscot area. He is not listed on any Fort Pownal muster rolls between its construction in 1759 and its disarming by British forces in April 1775. Nor is he on any list of early settlers of the region. It is likely that when he arrived, he lived among the Penobscot Indians at their Old Town settlement and adopted their lifestyle. Williamson suggested he had joined with the tribe many years earlier, so he had been with them for quite some time before the war. During this time, Gilman may have taken a Penobscot wife and fathered a son named Etienne, French for Stephen. Once war did arrive in Downeast Maine, Gilman became integral to the policy of keeping the eastern Indians’ allegiance – or, at the very least, their neutrality in the upcoming conflict. He proved adroit at parlaying his situation into one that proved beneficial for him, a sign of the man’s cleverness.[3]

A satellite image showing the locations of Old Town and Fort Pownal near modern Bangor, Maine. (Author)

After the fighting at Lexington and Concord, the Continental Congress moved forward with their plan to deal with the Indians of eastern Maine and Canada. They ordered Capt. John Lane to Penobscot in May 1775, with orders to recruit locals and as many of the eastern Indians as possible for military service. Even though Fort Pownal had lost all its armaments that April, the fort’s commander, Thomas Goldthwait, was still able to provide Lane with an interpreter and men to accompany him upriver to the Penobscot Falls Truckhouse, at present-day Bangor. This is where Andrew Gilman enters the historical record.[4]

Captain Lane’s down east recruiting mission was successful: fifty-six men responded to his efforts, including some Penobscot Indians. Gilman, living with them and likely recognized for his skills as an interpreter, was hired by Lane to accompany Penobscot Indian leaders Joseph Orono, Jo Peare, Poris, and another chief to Boston in early June. From the Fort Pownal storehouse, which still managed to be in operation, Gilman was issued a coat, jacket, breeches, and a handkerchief, which were all dutifully recorded by storekeeper Francis Archibald. These items were likely an attempt to make the rough frontiersman more presentable when he accompanied the Indian leaders to meet the Massachusetts Provincial Congress at Watertown. Gen. Jedidiah Preble recorded that the traveling party stopped at Falmouth, present-day Portland, on their way southward and were provided carriages to carry them as well as money to pay expenses. Gilman’s group arrived in Cambridge by carriage two days after the Battle of Bunker Hill. In 1778, Joseph McLellan of Falmouth was issued £7 by the General Court for damages done to his chaise by Captain Lane’s Indians on the 1775 journey. Gilman also received £6 for his forty days of service as an interpreter on the trip.[5]

In June 1775, Massachusetts recognized Penobscot claims to territories beginning at head of tide on the Penobscot River and extending six miles on each side of the river. There was also a promise of £300 worth of ammunition, goods, and provisions for the Penobscot Trucktrade with furs and skins to be taken in exchange. While at Cambridge, Gilman was commissioned an honorary lieutenant. According to one source, the commission was due to the respect and confidence in which both Indians and his fellow men held him. Gilman was ordered to use his influence to cultivate friendly connections with Indians down east and those in Canada and was promised a proper reward.[6]

To Andrew Gilman, Gentleman:
We entertaining a good opinion of your prudence, courage, and good conduct, do appoint, and you the said Andrew Gilman are hereby appointed to the honorary title of Lieutenant; and you are to be considered of that rank not only among the good people of this Province, but among all friends and brethren through the Continent; and we confide in your readiness to promote the common cause of America among our good brothers, the Indians of the several tribes which you may have an opportunity to be acquainted with, as well as with the inhabitants of the Province of Canada. By order of the Congress, Watertown, June 25, 1775[7]

In early July, Gilman helped compose a letter for the four chiefs while they paused at Falmouth Neck on their way back from Cambridge. While there, Falmouth resident Enoch Freeman noted Gilman’s fluency with the Penobscot tongue and referred to him as a clever young man. One of Gilman’s Indian recruits for Captain Lane that summer was Sebatis, who enlisted as a private on July 25, 1775, until September 15, 1775, for defense of the seacoast.[8]

By September 1775, Andrew Gilman was back at the Penobscot Falls Truckhouse where he and local captain Thomas Fletcher met with heads of the St. Johns and Micmac tribes. The latter tribes expressed their desire to join with the Penobscot to support the American cause and, assisted by former Fort Pownal gunner Jonathan Lowder, composed a letter of their intentions.[9]

That October, Gilman once again headed south to Watertown, Massachusetts, but this time with two Indians and current Penobscot Falls Truckmaster Jedidiah Preble Jr. On October 16, 1775, Massachusetts awarded him £22 travel expenses for the party of four. They also provided him £13 for billeting and paid for his other expenses and services up to that day. The total he received came to about £48.[10]

By November, Gilman had either stayed or was once again back in Massachusetts, where he personally delivered Lowder’s letter on behalf of the Penobscot leaders. It expressed their wishes that Truckmaster Jedidiah Preble Jr. be immediately dismissed and Jonathan Lowder take his place. Massachusetts responded by apologizing for the confusion and promised to set things right by next spring. In the meantime, they wanted the Penobscot to know both Preble and Lowder were waiting at the Penobscot Falls Truckhouse for them. Massachusetts also assured them Lt. Andrew Gilman would be there for them as well…[11]

Resolved, That Lieutenant Andrew Gilman be, and he hereby is, directed to continue in the service to which he was heretofore appointed by the Congress of this Colony, a late Resolve of this Court to the contrary notwithstanding. And that there be paid to the said Andrew Gilman, out of the Colony Treasury, the sum of four Pounds, as advance wages.[12]

Throughout 1776, Gilman continued to escort native recruits southward for Continental Army service. After the British evacuated Boston in March, the Continental Army moved south toward New York City, and Gilman’s trips became even longer. Roger Sherman, Connecticut signer of the Declaration of Independence, wrote to George Washington on October 15, 1776. In the letter, he referred to the Penobscot Indians under the care of Andrew Gilman were currently marching to join Washington’s forces. He also noted that Gilman petitioned Connecticut governor Jonathan Trumble Sr. and the state Council to provide him with some money.[13]

George Washington met with Gilman when he arrived with the seven Indian recruits at headquarters in October 1776. Andrew Gilman informed Washington that there was a larger party of Indians ready to come fight, but the general demurred. In a letter written to the Massachusetts government and delivered by Gilman on his way back, Washington suggested the season was too far advanced to make use of the Indians this year, that he could not adequately supply them with woolens or much else, and that both British and American forces were going into winter quarters. He asked Gilman to keep them together for possible use the following year and bill any expenses to the army. On January 8, 1777, Congress reimbursed Roger Sherman for the $48.30 he had advanced to Gilman for expenses while transporting Penobscot Indians the previous October.[14]

Jonathan Lowder, former gunner at Fort Pownal, was named official Truckmaster to the Penobscot Indians in early 1776. He wanted a Truckhouse built above Penobscot Falls below Mt. Hope, present-day Veazie, Maine, at the corner of present-day County Road and Shore Road. It would defend the route north. An American ranger force, established by the Massachusetts government to patrol the area and protect the settlers of the region, built Lowder’s Truckhouse and used it as their headquarters. This ranger force consisted of twenty settlers and ten Penobscot Indians. Command of it had been given to Lieutenant Gilman, who received his appointment on September 11, 1776, soon after his return from another trip. According to one source, the appointment was mostly just to gratify the Indians, and according to former Turckmaster Jedidiah Preble Jr., the force really did nothing but waste time and money. Settler James Budge also complained about the ranger force.[15]

Gilman quickly formed his company of militia soldiers from the surrounding population. Jeremiah Colburn began his service the same day as Gilman, September 11. The following day Joseph Mansell (or Munsell) joined and became orderly sergeant. On October 12, sixteen more local men enlisted including Penobscot Indians Augustian, Joseph Montagueso, and Piel Mohawk. Within a week, more settler enlistments arrived. Penobscot Indians Colonel Lelvey and Sock Beason enlisted on November 2, Francis Moxis on November 11, and Little Sebaris (or Sebatis) and Seard Ausong joined on November 28. By the end of 1776, Gilman commanded twenty-nine men, eight of whom were Penobscot Indians. Sixteen more men joined the force in 1777, including two more Penobscot, French Messer, and Piel Encouiler. This ranger force also included African-American Joseph Clark who served for 354 days.[16]

Rumors had long swirled about possible large-scale attacks by combined native and British forces coming down Penobscot River, much like the British were doing in New York. When someone reported an armed sentry near Old Town had been fired upon that summer, Gilman and his Indian rangers offered to go in search of those responsible, but according to an affidavit signed by local settler Samuel Curtis, Gilman and his men never followed through with the search. A general alarm was raised about the shooting and widespread panic ensued. Settlers fled in terror; others prepared for the worst. During the emergency, some of Gilman’s rangers were ordered to finish the Truckhouse defenses as soon as possible, which may have included completion of a picket or palisade around the structure. The attack never materialized and Lowder, Gilman, and other local authorities received much blame for unnecessarily scaring the population. Complaints were filed that they had even manufactured this general alarm to profit from it and had conveniently used the danger to their material advantage.[17]

During the summer of 1777, Gilman and his ranger force often traveled down east to Machias with correspondence for superintendent of eastern Indians Col. John Allan. Some of the Indians from Gilman’s company were on hand visiting Allan on August 13, 1777, when the Battle of Machias was fought. It is likely Gilman was with them as they met with Allan at the Machias Truckhouse. When word was heard of the arrival of a British warship, the Machias local militia, aided by Gilman’s Indians, went into battle and prevented British forces from landing. Adm. Sir George Collier still claimed victory in this raid: his forces seized a ship and raided a storehouse.[18]

In November 1777, in light of numerous complaints about their wartime activities, Andrew Gilman, Jonathan Lowder, and other officials were ordered to Boston for questioning. Instead, Lowder decided to visit Allan at Machias to solicit advice on how to deal with Boston’s reckoning. Gilman and some Penobscot chiefs accompanied Lowder on this trip. It was a shrewd move, but nonetheless viewed by critics as evasive and underhanded. Taking a leisurely two weeks, the group made their way through the woods of Maine, portaging as they went, until they reached the coast. On November 15, they arrived at the Machias Truckhouse by boat. It had thirty soldiers aboard as well as packets of letters and correspondence for Allan. After conferring together, Lowder and Gilman proceeded to Boston.[19]

Upon their arrival, the government immediately discharged Gilman’s ranger guard force since they had seen little or no service. Lowder remained official Truckmaster but from then on was more closely monitored. It was not until the first week of February 1778 that Gilman’s guard force learned they had been discharged. Later that month, Gilman presented his own petition to Boston, where he requested the general court pay what it had cost him to cover his ranger force’s expenses during the time between their dismissal and when they actually learned of the dismissal and left. He also asked them to retain him as interpreter at Penobscot with pay. Gilman was still in Boston March 6, 1778, when he published intentions to wed a woman named Nabby Kow. It is not known whether she went with him back to Penobscot or stayed in Boston. In fact, it is not clear if the wedding ever took place. No more information about her has been found.[20]

Massachusetts recognized Gilman’s petition and re-appointed him lieutenant and to be allowed same pay and rations as an officer in the Continental Army. He was expected to live with the Penobscot to “watch their motions and inclinations as well as the dispositions of all other Indians that may come within his knowledge, and to do such other services as he may be appointed to by the General Court of this state.”[21]

In the summer of 1779, the British entered Penobscot Bay, occupied Castine, and built Fort George. A Massachusetts fleet soon sailed to dislodge the British from Penobscot. Gilman had been in Falmouth on his way back to Penobscot in early June when he learned of the British landings and upcoming Massachusetts expedition. He wrote to the Massachusetts Council about the Penobscot desire to be a scouting party and requested provisions for them. The Massachusetts Council replied assuring them they would be treated well if they assisted. Before its arrival at Penobscot, the fleet stopped at Fort Pine Hill, present-day Rockland, where they were joined by forty Penobscot Indian warriors in canoes (though another source says the meeting occurred at North Haven Island). The Indians were with Gilman, as many of them had been apart of his earlier ranger force.[22]

Gilman and the Penobscots, with Chief Joseph Orono and Col. John Neptune, met with expedition army leader Gen. Solomon Lovell. They reported to Lovell that the British general Francis McLean at Fort George had approached them about joining the British force. The Penobscot, through Gilman, wanted Lovell to know they had spurned all British requests for friendship and had proclaimed their allegiance with Massachusetts. A payroll reveals most Indians served more than a fortnight at fourteen shillings per day during this Penobscot Expedition. Some had been with Gilman since 1776. His date of service for the expedition was June 29 to August 21. Their very presence unnerved many British troops, and they were involved in nearly every phase of the siege and attack. One historian notes the native combat contingent suffered casualties at a disproportionately higher rate than any other unit of Massachusetts’ attacking forces. At least four of Gilman’s force were killed in fighting.[23]

Immediately after the expedition’s disastrous end, General Lovell tried to salvage some sort of agreement with the Penobscot Indians. As the Massachusetts ships still smoldered along the riverbank, Lovell sat down with them at their Old Town encampment. They expressed desire to help Lovell, but more importantly, they wanted Andrew Gilman to take two of them to Boston to hear how Massachusetts was going to help them now that the British controlled the Penobscot region. By September 9, 1779, they were in Boston. On October 12, Gilman presented a petition requesting £100 to return the Indians safely to Penobscot. The council instead voted to give each of them three rations per day for their return trip.[24]

That same month, Massachusetts established a Truckhouse for the Penobscots at the old Fort Halifax on the Kennebec River in present-day Winslow. The new Truckmaster was Col. Josiah Brewer, who petitioned Massachusetts on behalf of Andrew Gilman. Brewer wrote that Gilman had been in service for nearly five years and had been of great assistance in keeping the Indians peaceably disposed to Massachusetts. He added that Penobscot were very fond of Gilman, who had twelve months worth of wages still due him. Receiving it would help Gilman live comfortably among the Penobscot in the coming winter. He was given £18 and provided with suitable clothing.[25] The Fort Halifax Truckhouse lasted for two ineffectual years until it was discontinued. Brewer was not very effective and was officially dismissed in October 1782, about the same time Andrew Gilman was released from service as Indian interpreter.[26]

For most of the remaining war, Andrew Gilman acted as interpreter and retained nominal command of an Indian force. They spent time at Camden with Gilman in charge and Lt. John Marsh as their translator. The fort they operated out of is now known as Fort Pine Hill, located on northern side of Clam Cove, present-day Glen Cove. Gilman and his men lived in twenty birch-bark wigwams near barracks behind William Gregory’s barn. Young John Gregory recalled seeing the Indians play ball, possibly the game lacrosse. Gilman’s force operated in the area as lookouts against the British. One family history states Gilman acted as spy for the Americans while stationed at Camden. He would often set out in his birch bark canoe, dressed in the garb of the Penobscot, and spy on what British forces were up to across the bay in Castine.[27]

In April 1780, Fort Pine Hill was seriously damaged by the British when Lt. Jeremiah Colburn allowed it to be taken without a shot fired. Colburn and his wife were taken prisoner while their two sons escaped out of a window in the house. It is not clear what role, if any, Andrew Gilman or his company of Indians played in the defense of the fort. It was eventually rebuilt; whether or not Gilman’s Indian force continued to operate there is unknown.[28]

With the British in control of the Penobscot region, Andrew Gilman fell on hard times. He petitioned the Massachusetts government in June 1781 that he had been in service for quite some time without his drawing pay, and that at this junction he expected not to obtain any. He called himself destitute and almost naked for want of clothing. Another request was for a small tent to cover himself since he had to lodge in the woods at night. The committee agreed to provide him suitable clothing.[29]

For the remaining years of the conflict, Andrew Gilman apparently kept a low profile. After the war, he continued to live in the Penobscot area and stay involved in Indian affairs. It is likely he lived among the Penobscot at Old Town. In August 1784, General Henry Knox and Benjamin Lincoln met with members of the Penobscot Indians. Gilman once again acted as interpreter, although another source refers to him as one of three messengers at this conference alongside John Marsh and Robert Treat.[30] This appears to have been his last act as an official functionary for the Massachusetts government.

On June 6, 1786, Andrew Gilman signed his name to a petition of inhabitants of the upper plantation on the west side of the Penobscot River. They asked to postpone payment of the taxes levied on their lands since they were in dire straits and had no titles to their lands. The war had been tough on everyone and they needed to spend their money on a preacher.[31]

Three years later, in 1787, Andrew Gilman was found complicit in the murder of a Penobscot Indian named Peol, possibly one of his former Rangers. In May, Peol and Gilman were hunting around Pushaw Lake, near present-day Bangor, where Peol had a nearby camp. His wife and her nine-year-old son (another source says he was sixteen) from another father went with them. The hunters were successful and returned to camp loaded with furs. Gilman claimed half the amount while Peol claimed two-thirds for himself and his wife and son, who he claimed had helped with skinning and cooking game. Gilman disagreed, but they did agree to take some furs to Robert Treat’s store at Penobscot Falls and get some rum. They would settle the issue over a drink. Nothing was solved, however, and Peol and his family returned to camp with the rest of the furs.[32]

Andrew Gilman hung around Treat’s store for the next couple of days. On Saturday, May 26, he got nineteen-year-old illiterate James Page to go with him to retrieve the furs from Peol. When they arrived at Peol’s camp, they found two men: a Penobscot named Sabattis and a local named Archibald McPheters Jr. (sometimes spelled McPhetres). After some discussion, they all agreed to go to Treat’s store for more rum. Sabattis left the ensuing party and passed out in his canoe eight rods down the lake. Fueled by rum, negotiations about the furs continued into the night, which included some especially valuable sable ones.[33]

According to Gilman, he decided to carry off the furs with the help of McPheters. James Page at that point began to argue with Peol and punched him in the jaw, at which point Peol told his wife and child to run. According to Gilman, as he and McPheters loaded furs into their canoe they heard a gun shot. Rushing back to the scene, they found Page standing over Peol’s dead body. There was no gunshot wound; Peol had been killed with a knife or hatchet. One wound in particular had pierced his chest under the right arm and penetrated into his vital organs. The men claimed it was self-defense. Peol’s wife and child had watched while hiding in nearby trees and claimed all three men had committed cold-blooded murder.[34]

The next morning, Sabattis woke up and discovered Peol’s body and took it to Old Town along with Peol’s wife and child. Some Penobscot wanted to avenge the murder, but their leaders told them to wait for the court to bring justice. Penobscot chiefs Ossen, Sabates, and Nipton requested the authorities apprehend the three perpetrators and make them answer for the deed. Two days later, Gilman and the two others were arrested and jailed in Pownalboro to await trial. In the homicide records, Gilman’s occupation was listed as gentleman, McPheters as a yeoman or farmer, and James Page listed as a minor. They were questioned by Simeon Fowler, Esq., who wrote that the court was of opinion that Gilman, Page and McPheters “were Accessary to the Death of said Piel.”[35]

Apparently, a rumor was circulated that the trial was to be a week later than it actually was, so all the accused were discharged and released when no witnesses showed up to testify against them. Their claims of self-defense went unchallenged. “The Indians not being acquainted with the laws of the commonwealth, did not appear at the Supreme Court to support their complaint, therefore said Page, Gilman and McPheters were discharged from Gaol by order of the justices of the Supreme Judicial Court.”[36]

Massachusetts governor John Hancock recognized the potential for trouble with this decision. In his Governor’s Message of March 17, 1788, he called for two nearby Justices of the Peace to convene and hear out any witnesses about the Peol murder. He also notified the attorney general as to the situation and warned about the Indians’ reaction. “I need not observe that it is much more consistent with humanity to conciliate their affections, than to subdue them by force.”[37]

The Penobscot Indians were outraged by this injustice; it soured relations for many years, but nothing more was done about it. In 1792, local settler John Brewer of Orrington started a petition on behalf of Peol’s widow. She was by then destitute and in need of financial assistance. He stated she and her child had become a deed of charity and that she went from house to house begging for food. Massachusetts granted Brewer’s petition and ordered her to receive three shillings a week for the next year.[38]

For Andrew Gilman, his long service and time with the Penobscot Indians was over. It is interesting no one seemed willing to stand up and vouch for his character; one source states he had never truly been respected. Many felt Gilman had no more principle than self-interest dictated. One wonders how much of his “going native” affected what his contemporaries thought of him. Andrew Gilman left the area never to return. This former officer, trader, Indian interpreter, and commander of American ranger forces simply and suddenly disappeared – in much the same way as he arrived on the colonial Maine frontier.[39]


[1] William D. Williamson, “Annals of the City of Bangor, Maine” Maine Historical Magazine 9 (Portland: Joseph W. Porter, 1895), 10n; Centennial Celebration of the Settlement of Bangor – September 30, 1869 (Bangor: Committee of Arrangements, 1870), 38n; Boston Marriages 1700 to 1800 Part II: Intentions of Marriage 1752-1761: (massachusetts/boston-ma-intentions-of-marriage-1778.htm); “Soldiers of the American Revolution: Maine Indians in the Revolution” Sprague’s Journal of Maine History 1 (1918), 110; and Harald E.L. Prins and Bunny McBride, Asticou’s Island Domain: Wabankai Peoples at Mount Desert Island 1500-2000 (Boston: National Park Service, 2007), 233.

[2] Williamson, “Annals of the City of Bangor, Maine,” 10n; and Centennial Celebration of the Settlement of Bangor, 38n.

[3] “Etienne Gilman” (www.genealogy.com/forum/surnames/topics/gilman/1268/); and Williamson, “Annals of the City of Bangor, Maine,” 10.

[4] “Journal of John Lane from Watertown to Penobscot” American Archives: Documents of the American Revolutionary Period, 1774-1786 2 (Northern Illinois University Digital Collections and Collaborative Projects), 942-943; John E. Godfrey, History of Penobscot County, Maine: The Annals of Bangor, 1769-1882 (Cleveland: Williams, Chase & Co., 1882), 520; and “Soldiers of the American Revolution: Maine Indians in the Revolution,” 107.

[5] “John Lane to the Massachusetts Congress – June 9, 1775” Documentary History of the State of Maine 14 (Portland: Lefavor-Tower, 1910), 270; Francis Archibald, Fort Pownall Wast Book 1772-1777: A Day or Waste Book Kept by Sergeant Francis Archibald Jr. (Searsport: Penobscot Marine Museum), 71 (130); Centennial Celebration of the Settlement of Bangor, 38-39; The Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775 (Boston: Dutton & Wentworth, 1838), 392; and “Soldiers of the American Revolution: Maine Indians in the Revolution,” 107.

[6] John E. Godfrey, “The Ancient Penobscot or Panawanskek” 7 (Bath: Maine Historical Society, 1876), 7; “Soldiers of the American Revolution: Maine Indians in the Revolution,” 107, 110; Centennial Celebration of the Settlement of Bangor, 43; and “The Catholic Indians and The American Revolution” The American Catholic Historical Researches, 4:3 (July, 1908), 194, 195.

[7] “Soldiers of the American Revolution: Maine Indians in the Revolution,” 110.

[8] Godfrey, “The Ancient Penobscot or Panawanskek,” 7; “Soldiers of the American Revolution: Maine Indians in the Revolution,” 110; and Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War (Boston: Massachusetts Secretary of State, 1905), 724.

[9] Frederick Kidder, Military Operations in Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia During the Revolution Chiefly Compiled from the Journals and Letters of Colonel John Allan (Albany: J. Munsell, 1867), 54-55.

[10] American Archives: Containing a Documentary History of the English Colonies in North America, from the King’s Message to Parliament of March 7, 1774, to the Declaration of Independence by the United States 3 (DC: M. St. Clair Clarke and Peter Force, 1840), 1463-1464; “Chapter 258: Resolve Granting £48.7.5 to Lieut. Andrew Gilman” The Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay 19 (Boston: Wright & Potter, 1918), 105; and “The Catholic Indians and The American Revolution,” 200.

[11] “Letter to the Indian Chiefs of the Penobscot Tribe” American Archives: Documents of the American Revolutionary Period, 1774-1786 5 (Northern Illinois University Digital Collections and Collaborative Projects), 1304.

[12] “Letter to the Indian Chiefs of the Penobscot Tribe,” 1304.

[13] “A Catalogue of Manuscripts by Signers of the Declaration of Independence” The Quarto No. 24 (January, 1952), 4.

[14] John C. Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources 1745-1799 Volume 6 September, 1776-January, 1777 (DC: United States George Washington Bicentennial Commission, 1939), 235-236; and “The Catholic Indians and The American Revolution,” 202.

[15] Jean Hamilton, History of Veazie, Maine (Veazie: Town of Veazie, 1978), 10; “Jedidiah Preble Jr.’s Deposition” and “Letter James Budge to Colonel Jonathan Buck,” Baxter Manuscripts 15 (Portland: Maine Historical Society, 1910), 163-164, 165, 325-326; Williamson, “Annals of the City of Bangor, Maine,” 10-11; and Centennial Celebration of the Settlement of Bangor, 39.

[16] Baxter Manuscripts 16 (Portland: Maine Historical Society, 1910), 217-218; Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War, 965; and Eric G. Grundset, Forgotten Patriots: African American and American Indian Patriots in the Revolutionary War: A Guide to Service, Sources and Studies (DC: National Society Daughters of the American Revolution, 2008), 12.

[17] Richard I. Hunt Jr., British-American Rivalry for the Support of the Indians of Maine and Nova Scotia 1775-1783 (MA Thesis, University of Maine, 1973), 85; “Jedidiah Preble Jr.’s deposition” Baxter Manuscripts v15 (Portland: Lefavor-Tower, 1910), 158-159, 164-165, 166; and Walter Snow, Brooksville Maine: A Town in the Revolution (Brooksville: Brooksville Bicentennial Committee, 1976), 50.

[18] James S. Leamon, Revolution Downeast: The War For American Independence in Maine (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1993), 81; and Kidder, Military Operations in Eastern Maine, 126-128.

[19] Baxter Manuscripts 15 (Portland: Lefavor-Tower, 1910), 63-64; and Kidder, Military Operations in Eastern Maine,151, 240-241.

[20] Baxter Manuscripts 15 (Portland: Lefavor-Tower Co., 1910), 332-333, 380, 408-409; Chapter 864 and Chapter 927, The Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay 20 (Boston: Wright & Potter, 1918), 322, 351; and Boston Marriages 1700 to 1800 Part II: Intentions of Marriage 1752-1761: (massachusetts/boston-ma-intentions-of-marriage-1778.htm).

[21] “Resolve on the Petition of Lieut. Andrew Gilman” Chapter 968, The Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay 20 (Boston: Wright & Potter, 1918), 366.

[22] “Soldiers of the American Revolution: Maine Indians in the Revolution,” 110; Nathan Goold, History of Colonel Jonathan Mitchell’s Cumberland Country Regiment, Bagaduce Expedition, 1779 (Portland: Thurston, 1899), 23; and Harald E.L. Prins and Bunny McBride, Asticou’s Island Domain: Wabankai Peoples at Mount Desert Island 1500-2000 (Boston: National Park Service, 2007), 235.

[23] Baxter Manuscripts 16 (Portland: Lefavor-Tower, 1910), 354-355; Goold, “Colonel Jonathan Mitchell’s Cumberland County Regiment, Bagaduce Expedition 1779”; “Soldiers of the American Revolution: Maine Indians in the Revolution,” 110; Michael M. Greenburg, The Court-Martial of Paul Revere (Lebanon: University of New Hampshire Press, 2014), 94-95; Charles Bracelen Flood, Rise, and Fight Again: Perilous Times Along the Road to Independence (NY Dodd, Mead, 1976), 173, 197; and Patricia M. Hubert, Major Philip M. Ulmer: A Hero of the American Revolution (Vermont: The History Press, 2014), 368.

[24] Baxter Manuscripts 17 (Portland: Lefavor-Tower, 1913), 13-14, 381.

[25] Baxter Manuscripts 19 (Portland: Baily & Noyes, 1914), 63-64.

[26] “Col. Josiah Brewer Jr.” Bangor Historical Magazine 2 (Bangor: Joseph W. Porter, 1886), 42; John Howard Ahlin, Maine Rubicon: Downeast Settlers During the American Revolution (Calais: Calais Advertiser Press, 1966), note 35, 191-192; Hunt, British-American Rivalry, 176, 177, 178; “Memorial of Josiah Brewer” Documentary History of the State of Maine 17 (Portland: Lefavor-Tower, 1913), 392; “Records of the Truckhouse at Fort Halifax, Me 1779-1784” Massachusetts Archives 157 (Boston: Office of the Secretary of State), 589, 601-603.

[27] Barbara F. Dyer, “Camden’s First Call to Arms” Village Soup (July 28, 2010); and Barbara F. Dyer, “Fourth of July” Village Soup (June 30, 2016).

[28] Barbara F. Dyer, “Camden’s First Call to Arms” Village Soup (July 28, 2010); and Barbara F. Dyer, “Fourth of July” Village Soup (June 30, 2016).

[29] “Petition of Andrew Gilman” Baxter Manuscripts 19 (Portland: Bailey & Noyes, 1914), 297, 298.

[30] “The Penobscot Indians – Statement of General Knox 1784” Maine Historical Magazine 7 (Bangor: Joseph W. Porter, 1892), 149; and “Result of Negotiations Between Henry Knox, Benjamin Lincoln, and the Penobscot Indians – August 1784” Gilder Lehrman Collection #: GLC02437.03046 at (www.gilderlehrman.org/content/result-negotiations-between-henry-knox-benjamin-lincoln-and-penobscot-indians).

[31] “Petition of the Inhabitants of the Upper Plantation on the West Side of Penobscot” Documentary History of the State of Maine (Portland: Fred L. Tower, 1916), 208-209.

[32] Centennial Celebration of the Settlement of Bangor, 38n; Godfrey, History of Penobscot County, Maine, 532-533; and Williamson, Annals, 10n.

[33] Centennial Celebration of the Settlement of Bangor, 38n; Godfrey, History of Penobscot County, Maine, 532-533; and Williamson, Annals, 10n.

[34] Suffolk file #140603 v912 and Suffolk file #140653 v913 in Homicides of Adults in Massachusetts 1781-1790 (cjrc.osu.edu/sites/cjrc.osu.edu/files/Massachusetts

_homicides_1781-1790.doc); Centennial Celebration of the Settlement of Bangor, 38n; Godfrey, History of Penobscot County, Maine, 532-533; and Williamson, Annals, 10n.

[35] Suffolk file #140603 v912 and Suffolk file #140653 v913 in Homicides of Adults in Massachusetts 1781-1790 (cjrc.osu.edu/sites/cjrc.osu.edu/files/Massachusetts

_homicides_1781-1790.doc); and “Petition from Orrington in 1792” Bangor Historical Magazine v2 (Bangor: Joseph W. Porter, 1887), 23.

[36] “Petition from Orrington in 1792” Bangor Historical Magazine v2 (Bangor: Joseph W. Porter, 1887), 23.

[37] “John Hancock, Governor’s Message March 17, 1788” Documentary History of the State of Maine (Portland: Fred L. Tower, 1916), 462-463.

[38] “Petition from Orrington in 1792,” 23.

[39] Centennial Celebration of the Settlement of Bangor, 38n; Godfrey, History of Penobscot County, Maine, 532-533; and Williamson, Annals, 10n.

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