Samuel Mason: Revolutionary Turncoat or Opportunistic Pirate?

In the chaotic aftermath of the American Revolution, the boundaries between heroism and villainy were often obscured by economic hardship, social instability, and territorial disputes. One figure who epitomizes this ambiguity is Samuel Mason, a Revolutionary War captain who later became infamous as a river pirate preying on trade along the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. His life, marked by contradiction and complexity, provides a unique lens through which to explore the turbulent transition from colonial rebellion to nation-building.

Revolutionary Beginnings: Mason as a Patriot

Samuel Mason’s early life, much like the American colonies themselves, was defined by struggle and ambition. Born in Frederick County, Virginia, in November of 1739, Mason came of age during heightened tensions between the British Crown and its American colonies.[1] While Mason’s role as a captain during the Revolutionary War is well-documented, his earlier military service is informative. Mason served under Col. George Washington at Fort Necessity, about 100 miles west of Frederick County. He was listed in the Frederick County Company roster in 1760 and was on Capt. John Stevenson’s roll under Frederick County.[2] Mason’s name also appeared in the 1760 records of Capt. Thomas Speke.[3] That positioned Mason as a seasoned soldier with years of experience before his Revolutionary War service. It also added another layer to the complex narrative of Mason’s life, his early military career laying the foundation of his later exploits.

On January 6, 1777, records from the Ohio County Court (now West Liberty, West Virginia) show Capt. Samuel Mason, Lt. Ebenezer Zane, James McConnel, and Conrad Wheat were tasked with determining the most direct way to lay out a road from Fort Henry to the first fork of Wheeling (Wheeling Creek).[4] The road was designed to connect Fort Henry with Shepherd’s Fort, where Wheeling Creek forks into Big and Little Wheeling Creek. On March 3 the group reported the best route would be from Fort Henry:

over the ridge to the lower end of Mason’s Bottom; up the Creek Bank to wheet’s Narrows; to the top and along the North Side o Wills Nobb to a Blas’d white walnut on Will’s old road; then to the upper end of Wills field on the creek bank. Then up the creek bank to Hawkin’s old house; then to a blas’d white oak on Williamson Road; then to the forks of Wheeling.[5]

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Captain Mason participated in several campaigns to defend frontier settlements from British-allied Native American tribes at Fort Henry. His leadership was particularly notable during the western campaigns, where he operated in volatile and unforgiving terrain. Mason’s contemporaries praised his resilience and tactical understanding, which would later serve him well in a far darker chapter of his life.

Despite his contributions, Mason’s service occurred in a theater of war often overlooked in Revolutionary narratives. The western frontier, stretching from the Ohio River Valley to the Mississippi, was a hotbed of skirmishes and small-scale engagements. Unlike the grand battles of the eastern colonies, those conflicts were characterized by guerrilla tactics, shifting alliances, and brutal violence. Mason’s role in that environment likely exposed him to the harsh realities of frontier warfare, shaping his worldview and preparing him for the life of an outlaw.

Post-War Instability and the Frontier

The Revolutionary War may have ended in 1783, but its aftermath brought new challenges for veterans like Mason. Many soldiers returned to civilian life only to find limited opportunities and unfulfilled promises of compensation. The fledgling American government often issued land grants in unsettled territories as payment. Still, surveying errors, competing claims, and conflicts with Native American tribes left many veterans unable to benefit from this arrangement.[6]

Serving as a militia soldier in colonial America often came with little formal compensation beyond the spoils of war and government-sanctioned scalp bounties. Those bounties, issued by many colonial governments, incentivized settlers and allied Indigenous groups to target enemy tribes. The practice aimed not only to weaken rival tribes militarily and economically but also to instill fear.[7] Scalp bounties are a stark reminder of the violent realities that characterized European colonization in North America.[8] Colonial governments institutionalized the practice by offering monetary rewards of fifty British pounds for the scalps of living males aged and forty pounds for the scalps of deceased males.[9] For perspective, the average annual salary of a teacher at the time was between 60 and 120 pounds, making scalp bounties a significant financial incentive.[10]

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Mason held positions of respect within his community during the early 1780s. On July 15, 1781, he was elected as a justice of the peace for Washington County, Pennsylvania, a role typically granted through local elections or state appointments.[11] His Revolutionary War service, political connections, and regional reputation likely facilitated his selection.

During that period, justices of the peace played crucial roles in local governance, maintaining order and adjudicating minor offenses such as petty theft and civil disputes. Their duties were wide-ranging, reflecting their importance in the legal and administrative systems of the time. Mason’s judicial positions highlight a contrasting chapter in his life, suggesting a degree of community trust and respect before his descent into criminality.

Mason and the Ohio River

Mason became a dominant figure along the Ohio River. Two locations—Red Banks, Kentucky, and Cave-in-Rock, Illinois—played pivotal roles in Mason’s rise as a criminal mastermind. Red Banks (now Henderson, Kentucky) was a growing frontier settlement in the late eighteenth century. The area’s strategic position made it a critical point for merchants transporting goods by flatboat. It was also an ideal staging ground for the counterfeiting operations of Mason and his gang.[12]

Francois Derousse, a resident of New Madrid, told of a 1791 incident near Red Banks, where Mason held him at gunpoint, accused him of horse theft, and detained him. Despite Derousse’s denials and offers to provide references, Mason kept him under guard for an entire day, repeatedly threatening his life.[13] The situation de-escalated the following day, with Mason eventually believing Derousse’s innocence. However, Derousse was forced to remain with Mason’s group for two months, coerced into working for the gang under the promise of payment in linen, calico, and blankets. Although Mason eventually delivered the promised goods, he forcibly reclaimed them shortly afterward. Derousse ultimately escaped with his family by navigating through icy waters at night while Mason and his men slept.[14]

Recognizing the need to maintain order, the Commonwealth of Kentucky appointed Capt. John Dunn, another veteran of the Revolutionary War, as the Constable of Red Banks. By 1795, tensions between Mason and Constable Dunn escalated to violence. Mason had requested that Dunn sign some papers, but Dunn refused. A few days later, Mason and four of his men attacked Dunn, throwing his body over a fence and leaving him for dead. Dunn survived the assault but continued to face threats from Mason’s family and associates. In another incident highlighting the violence of Mason’s gang, they attacked and stole an enslaved female along with her two children from Hugh Knox, a resident of Red Banks who later became a judge in Henderson County.[15]

Despite efforts by local authorities to combat Mason’s activities, the gang’s familiarity with the region’s terrain and waterways allowed them to evade capture. Red Banks remained a critical part of Mason’s network until increasing pressure from tax collectors forced him to seek refuge elsewhere.

Further west along the Ohio River lies Cave-in-Rock, Illinois, a natural limestone cavern overlooking the river. Cave-in-Rock offered more than just a hiding place. Its commanding view of the river allowed Mason’s gang to carefully monitor passing boats, choosing their targets. Mason converted the cave into a tavern with a liquor supply. Above the entrance was a prominent sign reading “Wilson’s Liquor Vault and House for Entertainment” to help the pirate gang lure river travelers to stop.[16]

Mason’s gang, which included his two sons and other recruits, employed ruthless and cunning tactics to carry out their river piracy. Mason’s operation blended coercion, deception, and violence. Female consorts played a critical role in luring unsuspecting flatboat crews to shore.[17] Some victims were drawn in by staged distress signals, where a gang member posed as a stranded settler hailing passing boats. Others were enticed by the promise of entertainment and a break from the monotony of river travel. Once the crews were ashore, the women kept them occupied, often plying them with alcohol, while Mason’s gang inspected their cargo for valuables.

Mason’s crew also used deception to board boats under the guise of offering navigation assistance, only to run the vessels aground to facilitate theft. Afterward, the stolen goods and boats were sold or deliberately sunk to erase evidence. If boatmen declined assistance, the gang pursued their targets, capturing them by force. The stolen goods were sold in nearby markets or transported further south to New Orleans, where they could be laundered into legitimate trade networks.[18]

While some victims were killed to ensure their silence, Mason often coerced survivors into joining his gang, expanding his network of outlaws. He cultivated a reputation as a robber who killed only when “necessary,” though his actions reflected a calculated approach to terrorizing the rivers.[19] By the late 1790s, increased pressure from Regulators forced Mason to abandon the location.[20]

The Mississippi as a Frontier Battleground

The Mississippi River, a critical artery of trade and transportation, was central to the economic aspirations of both the United States and its European neighbors. Following the war, the river became a contested zone between American settlers, Native American tribes, and Spanish authorities who controlled Louisiana. This lack of clear jurisdiction made the region a haven for outlaws and opportunists; for men like Sam Mason, the Mississippi offered both risk and reward. Flatboats carrying goods and settlers navigated the river’s treacherous waters, vulnerable to piracy and smuggling operations. Mason likely recognized that the frontier’s fragmented governance provided ample opportunity for criminal activity.

Mason’s wartime skills—strategic thinking, resourcefulness, and familiarity with violence—proved invaluable in his new career as a river pirate. The social and economic instability of the frontier provided fertile ground for Mason’s transformation into a river pirate. However, his ability to leverage the region’s chaos into an organized and profitable operation set him apart.

On March 29, 1800, Mason applied for and received a passport to the Spanish-held western bank of the Mississippi River in New Madrid, Missouri.[21] The passport allowed him to concentrate his operations on the eastern (American) riverside and use the western bank as a haven. Mason’s use of the Mississippi River as a buffer between U.S. territory and Spanish-controlled Louisiana was brilliant. By committing his robberies and murders east of the river in the United States and then retreating west into Spanish-controlled, French-owned territory, Mason essentially created a safe or buffer zone for himself and his gang. U.S. law enforcement couldn’t pursue him across international lines, which gave him a distinct advantage. That wasn’t just a matter of crossing state lines—Mason was navigating two entirely different legal systems, which made him nearly untouchable.

Mason moved his pirate operations to Wolf Island, now part of Kentucky.[22] Wolf Island’s strategic position made it ideal for launching pirate attacks on river traffic. Located about 100 miles southwest of Cave-In-Rock and 50 miles southeast of Cape Girardeau, Missouri, near where the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers meet, Wolf Island simultaneously provided an excellent offensive and defensive position like the Cave-in-Rock location. As a large island after a slight bend in the river, it would have been quite confusing for the uninitiated attempting to traverse the island, as it was about as wide as the river at that spot. The location provided Mason and his gang easy access to the river, allowing them to attack boats and retreat with their loot.

Land Piracy on the Natchez Trace

The Natchez Trace, a vital trade and travel route connecting the Mississippi River port of Natchez to Nashville, Tennessee, was notorious for its lawlessness in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Stretching over 400 miles through dense forests and isolated terrain, the Trace became a magnet for bandits, including Mason, whose land-based piracy mirrored his exploits along the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers.[23]

The Trace was heavily traveled by boatmen, or “Kaintucks,” who had floated goods downriver to Natchez or New Orleans markets. Unable to navigate their flatboats back upriver, the boatmen often sold their vessels for lumber and made the return journey on foot or horseback along the Trace. Carrying their hard-earned profits, the travelers became prime targets for robbery.

While many of Mason’s activities on the Natchez Trace remain undocumented, several high-profile incidents were attributed to his gang. One of their first significant robberies on the Trace was of Kentucky boatmen at Gum Springs (South of Nashville, Tennessee).[24] Caught by surprise, the boatmen fled in panic, leaving all their belongings behind, which Mason’s gang seized. The frightened and poorly-clothed boatmen decided to pursue the robbers. Armed with sticks and knives, they tracked Mason’s gang but were eventually ambushed. Mason’s men, hiding behind trees, threatened to kill the pursuers, causing them to panic again. The pursuit ended with the biggest of the Kentuckians, who had retrieved his hidden gold coins, leading the retreat.[25]

Mason recognized the Trace’s potential for lucrative land piracy. Its remote nature and lack of organized law enforcement made it ideal for ambushes. The route’s popularity ensured a steady flow of victims, from traders to settlers moving westward. His gang operated in small, mobile groups that could quickly set up ambushes along narrow stretches of the Trace.[26] They often used deception to lure travelers into traps, posing as fellow travelers or offering aid to those in apparent distress. Victims were frequently robbed of their cash and goods and, in some cases, murdered to eliminate witnesses. The brutality of these attacks contributed to Mason’s fearsome reputation.

Another account suggested Mason’s gang attacked a flatboat. On the Mississippi River at the Chaquetas Cross-Road, a flatboat was pillaged. The boat’s owner, Aurely, had seen men near a camp by the River of the Arcs selling guns to a relative and gang member of Mason’s. Aurely’s boat was robbed the next day by three members of Mason’s gang.[27] But Mason’s downfall was triggered by the attacks on a fellow war veteran.

In the spring of 1801, Col. Joshua Baker, a wealthy merchant from Kentucky, embarked on a routine trip to New Orleans via flatboat, planning to return along the Natchez Trace. After successfully selling livestock and produce, Baker and his companions began their journey home with profits and provisions, taking precautions to evade the land pirates notorious for prowling the trail.

Trouble struck at Twelve Mile Creek, where Mason and his gang ambushed Baker’s group, robbing them of $2,300 and their horses. While one pack mule carrying money escaped the robbers, the rest of the group suffered heavy losses. Baker and his companions pursued Mason, eventually encountering him again at another creek.[28] That second confrontation forced Baker’s group to surrender their pack mules, though they were allowed to keep their riding horses and weapons.

The September 14, 1801 Kentucky Gazette included this information:

As soon as they had dismounted and gone to the water four men appeared, blacked, between them and their horses and demanded the surrender of their money and property, which they were obliged to comply with. Mr. W. Baker was more fortunate than his companions. A pack-horse, on which was a considerable sum of money, being frightened at the appearance of the robbers, ran away, and they, being in haste to escape, could not pursue. Mr. W. Baker recovered his horse [pack-mule] and money. He, however, lost his riding horse, etc.[29]

Baker sought reinforcements and resumed the chase with a posse, trailing Mason to the Pearl River. A Native American member of the posse narrowly escaped injury when one of Mason’s men confronted him during a reconnaissance. Mason ultimately evaded capture, taunting Baker by declaring he would never recover his money.[30] Facing the futility of the pursuit, the posse abandoned the chase, and Mason’s dominance of the Trace continued unabated.

In early 1802, undeterred by his previous encounter with Mason, Baker embarked on another journey from Kentucky to New Orleans. This time, Baker prepared extensively, arming his flatboat to defend against the ever-present dangers of river piracy. In April 1802, while navigating below Walnut Hills (near present-day Vicksburg, Mississippi), Baker once again encountered Mason and his gang. The pirates boarded Baker’s boat to rob him, leading to a fierce confrontation in which several men on both sides were wounded.[31] Following the attack, Baker wrote a statement detailing the incident and sent it to Gov. William C. C. Claiborne of the Mississippi Territory. Claiborne understood that Mason’s operations were not isolated incidents but part of a more significant, organized effort to dominate the region’s trade routes through violence.

The Beginning of the End

Governor Claiborne took decisive action to address the escalating threat that Mason and his gang posed. Claiborne turned to Col. Daniel Burnet, a trusted militia leader and landowner who lived near Bayou Pierre in Mississippi Territory, just north of Port Gibson. Burnet, known for offering refuge to travelers along the Trace and operating a ferry across Bayou Pierre, was tasked with investigating and capturing the notorious outlaws headquartered near Walnut Hills.^[32] On April 27 Claiborne wrote to Burnet:

I have received information that a set of Pirates and Robbers, who alternately infest the Mississippi River and the Road leading from this District to Tennessee, rendezvous at or near the Walnut-Hills, in the County of Claiborne; — a certain Samuel Mason & a Man by the name of Harp, are said to be the Leaders of this Banditti ; — they lately attempted in a hostile manner to board the Boat of Colo : Joshua Baker, between the mouth of Yazou River, and the Walnut Hills, but were prevented by Colo : Baker’s, making a shew of Arms, and manifesting a great share of firmness. — These Men must be arrested ; the honor of our Country, the Interest of Society, & the feelings of humanity, proclaim that it is time to stop their Career; — … immediately endeavour to procure 15 or 20 Men as Volunteers and place yourself, or some confidential Character at their Head. —

This little force will then proceed to the Walnut-Hills, & after making due examination & enquiry at that place, they will examine the woods in the neighborhood of the Mississippi as high up as Yazou ; — If you should fall in with Mason & his party, you will use all the means in your power to arrest them, or any of them, and I desire, that the person or persons arrested, may immediately be conveyed under a strong Guard to Natchez.^[33]

Claiborne’s coordinated effort with Burnet marked a turning point in the campaign to dismantle Mason’s criminal network.

The Arrest of Samuel Mason

By the early 1800s, Mason’s operations had become too large to ignore. On January 11, 1803, reports of suspicious activity in Little Prairie, Missouri (modern-day Caruthersville) led local authorities to uncover Mason’s latest hideout. Witnesses, including a local farmer, noted that Mason’s group—consisting of eight men and one woman—had recently rented ten acres of land and a cabin. The gang maintained an armed lookout at the cabin door, raising suspicions among neighbors.

By January 13, Capt. Don Robert McCoy devised a plan to arrest Mason and his gang at sunrise. However, Mason approached McCoy directly before they could act, inquiring about their investigation. Displaying remarkable composure, McCoy deflected Mason’s suspicions by requesting to inspect the gang’s passports later in the day, assuring Mason that if their papers were in order, he would report favorably. Considering this to be a routine inquiry, Mason agreed to gather his gang at a nearby cabin.

When McCoy arrived at the cabin, Mason’s entire group, including his family, was present. McCoy signaled his men, who had quietly surrounded the cabin, to move in and arrest them. The operation proceeded without bloodshed, marking a significant victory in the campaign to dismantle Mason’s criminal network.[34]

The Trial of Samuel Mason

The trial of Samuel Mason marked the culmination of his infamous career and offered a rare glimpse into the workings of frontier justice. His prosecution highlighted the challenges of enforcing law and order in contested territories, where jurisdictional conflicts and limited resources often hampered legal efforts. Mason faced multiple charges, including piracy, robbery, and murder.[35] The prosecution relied on a combination of physical evidence and testimony from current and former gang members. These witnesses provided detailed accounts of Mason’s tactics, his leadership style, and the crimes committed under his command.

Transcripts of Samuel Mason’s trial, his family, and associates, held in January 1803 under Spanish authority in New Madrid, provide a rich and detailed account of their criminal activities, interactions with law enforcement, and the legal proceedings against them.[36] Transcribed from handwritten French documents into English, these trial records offer invaluable insight into the lives of the Masons, their connections, and their methods of evading justice. Despite translation challenges and the archaic nature of some language, the transcripts offer a clear picture of the events that transpired.

Mason and his associates, including members of his immediate family, were interviewed in New Madrid in January 1803 under the authority of Spanish colonial officials. The trial proceedings were conducted in French, reflecting the local administrative customs. The charges against Mason and his group revolved around their use of the Mississippi River and Spanish territory as safe havens for illegal activity.[37]

The trial reveals the central role of the Mason family in criminal operations. Mason’s sons—John, Thomas, Magnus, and Samuel Jr.—played active roles in the group’s criminal ventures. Their involvement ranged from participating in robberies to covering up evidence, such as altering stolen goods and forging documents. The trial highlights how the Mason family operated as an organized unit, with each member contributing to the broader goals of theft, evasion, and wealth accumulation.[38]

The trial records underscore the Mason family’s sophisticated use of geographical borders to avoid capture. By moving between U.S. and Spanish-controlled territories, particularly along the Mississippi River, they exploited jurisdictional limitations, allowing them to continue their criminal activities relatively unimpeded. This tactic is a key feature in understanding the longevity and success of the Mason family’s criminal operations.

Several testimonies detail the robberies and acts of violence carried out by the Masons and their associates. The records depict a highly organized method of attacking flatboats and travelers, stealing goods, and then selling or redistributing them in remote areas. The testimonies also accuse Samuel Mason of personal involvement in violent acts, including murder, adding a new dimension to the traditional view of him as merely a river pirate.[39]

Throughout the trial, Mason and his family presented themselves as innocent, claiming that they were attempting to expose the real culprits of the robberies. They extensively used known criminals as scapegoats to shield themselves from direct involvement. The trial shows their ability to manipulate the legal system and use their knowledge of local law enforcement practices to delay or avoid justice. [40]

The trial includes detailed inventories of the goods found in the Masons’ possession, including horses, banknotes, clothing, human scalps, and weapons. Those items and significant sums of money (notably $7,000 in banknotes) were seized and cataloged as part of the legal proceedings. The inventory highlights the extent of the Masons’ wealth accumulated through their criminal enterprises and was physical evidence of their activities.[41]

Jurisdictional Challenges

After a short trial, Commandant Peyroux of New Madrid ordered the Mason gang’s transfer to Spanish authorities in New Orleans to review the charges. [42] The trial documents, evidence, and seized money were sent along with the prisoners, who embarked on the 500-mile journey by boat. The Spanish Governor General Manuel de Salcedo reviewed the case upon its arrival in early March and concluded that the crimes fell under U.S. jurisdiction, as Mason and his gang were U.S. citizens who had committed most of their offenses on American soil. Consequently, Mason and his associates were ordered transferred to Natchez for trial.[43]

Captain McCoy was tasked with transporting the prisoners upriver to Natchez, but the journey was difficult. By March 26, the group had only reached Pointe Coupee Parish, Louisiana, hindered by spring storms and the strong river currents. While repairs were underway on the boat’s mast, Mason and his gang orchestrated a daring escape.

The prisoners seized weapons and overpowered the guards. During the melee, Captain McCoy reportedly confronted Mason, resulting in an exchange of gunfire. Accounts of the event differ, but many claim Mason shot McCoy in the chest and shoulder, while McCoy retaliated, wounding Mason in the head.[44] Regardless, Mason and his gang fled the scene.

News of Mason’s escape spread quickly.[45] The Spanish commandant offered a reward for Mason’s capture, dead or alive, sparking a manhunt across the frontier.[46] That episode highlighted Mason’s enduring defiance and difficulty securing justice on the lawless frontier. Despite the authorities’ best efforts, Mason’s criminal enterprise eluded them.

The story of Samuel Mason’s demise includes conflicting accounts of his death and its aftermath. In 1803, James May and John Sutton, two men with dubious pasts, offered to capture Mason and bring him to justice in exchange for leniency. The authorities agreed, desperate to end Mason’s reign of terror. A month later, May and Sutton returned to Old Greenville, Mississippi, claiming to have killed Mason and brought back his severed head, carried in a ball of clay. The men recounted finding Mason hiding near Lake Concordia in Louisiana. The head was presented to the courthouse in Old Greenville, where locals and officials were invited to identify it. Initially, many confirmed it as Mason’s, prompting the judge to prepare an affidavit and death certificate to claim the reward.[47]

Doubts emerged when Governor Claiborne invited others familiar with Mason, including his wife Rosanna, to authenticate the head. Rosanna reportedly denied it belonged to her husband, and several others failed to recognize it as Mason’s. Consequently, May and Sutton were arrested, charged with murder, and eventually convicted and executed in 1804. On the day of their hanging, the traditional method was replaced by a ladder execution, where the men were dropped from heights until the rope stopped their fall. After their deaths, both heads were mounted on poles along the Natchez Trace as grim warnings to other would-be criminals. Sutton’s head was displayed north of Old Greenville, while May’s was placed to the south.[48] Their bodies were buried in the town graveyard, which was later lost to history as commerce and travel expanded the Trace.

Mason’s actual fate wasn’t documented. Some theories suggest he escaped to Canada and lived quietly until his death, while others believe he died from injuries sustained in his final encounters with law enforcement.[49] Regardless, his story—and its aftermath—remains a striking example of frontier justice and the enduring mystery surrounding one of the most infamous outlaws of the era.

Mason’s Legacy

Mason’s story serves as a case study in the intersection of crime, economy, and law on the frontier. His career as a river and land pirate was not an isolated phenomenon but part of a larger pattern of post-Revolutionary instability. The economic hardships faced by veterans, the lack of infrastructure, and the contested nature of frontier territories all contributed to the rise of figures like Mason.

Over time, Mason’s life has been mythologized, with accounts often blending fact and fiction. The dramatic nature of his crimes, coupled with his background as a Revolutionary War veteran, made him a compelling figure for storytellers and historians alike.[50] The narratives surrounding Mason frequently reflect broader cultural themes of the American frontier.[51] He is remembered not only as a criminal but also as a symbol of individualism and defiance against authority—qualities often romanticized in the context of early American expansion. In folklore, Mason is sometimes depicted as a “gentleman robber,” an outlaw who avoided unnecessary violence and offered his victims a chance to join his gang rather than face death.[52] This portrayal aligns with broader frontier myths that romanticize criminals as antiheroes by sharing tales of Mason sparing victims who showed bravery or loyalty, casting him in the mold of an outlaw who adhered to a personal code of conduct. While largely anecdotal, these stories contribute to the legend of Mason as more than just a ruthless pirate.

Conclusion

Samuel Mason’s life is a cautionary tale about the fragility of moral and social order in times of upheaval. His transformation from Revolutionary War hero to notorious outlaw provides a lens through which to examine the unintended consequences of the Revolution and the broader challenges of building a nation. By understanding Mason’s story, we gain a deeper appreciation for the complexities of America’s early frontier and the enduring struggle to balance freedom with order.

[1] Mason’s date of birth was recorded in the family Bible. His place of birth was likely in Frederick County, Virginia, where his family lived at the time. Cecil O’dell, Pioneers of Old Fredrick Co., Virginia (Marceline, MO: Walsworth Publishing, 1995), 209, citing Hite/Fairfax Lawsuit, British Copy, Hunter McKay Extracted Copy, p. 1613. “Thomas Mason (b. 1706 c.) ‘lived on the east side of Opechon Creek about 1736 or 1737,’ and for several years afterword near present day Middleway, West Virginia.”

[2] William M. Lamar, Virginia’s Colonial Soldiers (Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1961), 143, 211.

[3] Flora L. Ward, Officers and Men of the Frederick County Militia in the Year 1756 (Pasadena: Daughters of the American Colonists, 1974), 9.

[4] Boyd Crumrine, Minute (or Order) book of the Virginia Court held for Ohio County, Virginia: at Black’s Cabin (now West Liberty, W. Va.), from January 6, 1777, until September 4, 1780, when its jurisdiction over any part of Pennsylvania had ceased (Carnegie Museum, 1904), 10.

[5] Ibid., 11.

[6] Julian P. Boyd, ed. Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 2, 1777 – 18 June 1779 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950), 132–133.

[7] Gemma Ware, Indigenous Peoples Day offers a reminder of Native American history − including the scalping they endured at the hands of Colonists. (Waltham: The Conversation, 2023).

[8] John Phipps, Phipps’ Bounty Proclamation (Boston: Upstander Project, 1755).

[9] Charles A. Young, “A Note on Scalp Bounties in Pennsylvania,” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies, 24, No. 3 (July 1957), 207-218.

[10] Phipps, Phipps’ Bounty Proclamation.

[11] Boyd Crumrine, History of Washington County, Pennsylvania, with Biographical Sketches of Many of Its Pioneers and Prominent 1 Men (Washington County, PA: L. H. Leverts & Co., 1882), para. 29.

[12] Otto Rothert, The Outlaws of Cave-in-Rock: Historical Accounts of the Famous Highwaymen and River Pirates Who Operated in Pioneer Days Upon the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers and Over the Old Natchez Trace (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark, 1924), 14, 24, 25.

[13] Mississippi Department of Archives and History (MDAH), Mason (Samuel) Trial Records. (Jackson: MDAH, 1803), 93, 94.

[14] Ibid, 95.

[15] Otto Rothert, The Outlaws of Cave-In-Rock, 169.

[16] Ibid, 175.

[17] Paul Wellman, Spawn of Evil: River Pirates and Highwaymen (New York: Macmillan, 1959), 48.

[18] Rothert, The Outlaws of Cave-In-Rock, 191, 225.

[19] Josephus C., Guild, Old times in Tennessee, with historical, personal, and political scraps and sketches (Nashville: Tavel, Eastman & Howell, 1878), 95.

[20] Edmund L. Starling, History of Henderson County, Kentucky (Henderson: Author, 1887), 32.

[21] Mason (Samuel) Trial Records, 11.

[22] Rothert, The Outlaws of Cave-In-Rock, 177.

[23] Mason (Samuel) Trial Records, 28, 29.

[24] Rothert, The Outlaws of Cave-In-Rock, 181.

[25] Guild, Old times in Tennessee, 95, 96.

[26] Mason (Samuel) Trial Records, 35, 36, 40, 41.

[27] Ibid, 25.

[28] Rothert, The Outlaws of Cave-In-Rock, 184.

[29] Ibid, 184.

[30] Ibid, 185.

[31] Mason (Samuel) Trial Records, 28, 34.

[32] W.C.C. Claiborne, Official letter books of W.C.C. Claiborne, 1801-1816 (Jackson, MS: State Department of Archives and History, 1917), 103.

[33] Claiborne, Official letter books of W.C.C. Claiborne, 104.

[34] Mason (Samuel) Trial Records, 8-10.

[35] Ibid, 16, 17.

[36] Ibid.

[37] Ibid, 112.

[38] Ibid, 21-100.

[39] Ibid, 99-100.

[40] Ibid, 10, 15, 15, 21.

[41] Ibid, 12-15.

[42] Ibid, 112-113.

[43] MDAH, Territorial Papers: Series 488, 418-419.

[44] Kentucky Gazette, May 3, 1803.

[45] News appeared in periodicals such as The Western Spy (April 2, 1803) and The Tennessee Gazette (April 27, 1803).

[46] William C. C. Claiborne to James Madison, www.loc.gov/resource/mjm.07_0923_0924/?sp=1; Guild, Old times in Tennessee, 98.

[47] Guild, Old times in Tennessee, 98.

[48] Robert M. Coates, The Outlaw Years: The history of the land pirates of the Natchez Trace (Gretna: Pelican Publishing Company, 1930), 164.

[49] From personal communication, David R. Chittenden, September 19, 2019.

[50] Rothert, The Outlaws of Cave-In-Rock, 159-163.

[51] Wellman, Spawn of Evil, 116-118.

[52] Ibid., 47, 92.